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‘Jair Bolsonaro (without a party)’ is how the columnist refers to the Brazilian admiral back November 2019 to announce that he currently has no affair affiliation. The ‘without a party’, alike if in parentheses, causes a faculty of anxiety amidst supporters of the autonomous affair structure. And it materializes an brainy activity that has set in motion a alternation of accommodating setbacks.

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Jair Bolsonaro is afterwards a affair like the astern affairs ‘School afterwards Party’. Jair Bolsonaro is afterwards a affair like the demonstrators who chanted ‘no political parties, no political flags’ in the 2013 accumulation protests accepted as ‘June Journeys’. And finally, he is afterwards a affair like the advancing administration of 1964-1985, which banned multipartyism.

It is important to accept the dangers of accepting a admiral afterwards a party. In fact, it is important to accept the ‘Bolsonaro afterwards a party’ as a evidence of the abrasion of democracy: that of the blame of backroom – a attitude that helped Bolsonaro get adopted in a ambience of accretion depoliticization.

Bolsonaro’s nonpartisanism threatens Brazil’s autonomous institutions.

Almost ten months ‘without a party’, Bolsonaro larboard the Amusing Advanced Affair (PSL) in November 2019. On the occasion, amidst confrontations and advancing statements, he appear that he would actualize his own affair – ‘Alliance for Brazil’. He chose 38 as the party’s identification number, like the firearm admired by his base.

The affair was launched in the best appearance of biased campaign, archetypal of the bolsonarista populism, admitting little is said today about the affairs of the Alliance for Brazil. And Bolsonaro (deliberately?) charcoal a admiral afterwards a party. As he has already fabricated clear, he disagrees with the autonomous affair anatomy and, furthermore, with capitalism itself.

Liberal Illusion

In accession to an alignment with a assertive political ideology, this nonpartisanism happens in the ambience of a depoliticization strategy, which began alike afore Bolsonaro’s presidential victory. As researcher and sociologist Sabrina Fernandes credibility out, post-politics creates an apparition that backroom at its best is done afterwards politicians.

There is again a abridgement in the political amplitude and, with it, the amplitude for discussion. Post-politics suggests impartiality, bearded as advantage and ethics. It pretends to be aloof back there is absolutely a bright alternative for one side. According to Fernandes, post-politics is a advanced apparition that backroom can abide afterwards politicians.

Depoliticization grows alongside the crisis of representation or disillusionment with politics. It is, therefore, account abiding to the ‘Escola sem Partido’ (School afterwards Party) project, a political movement that pledges to brand out the alleged brainy conduct from the classroom and was instrumentalized by the Bolsonaro attack to deliver the ‘de-leftization’ of schools.

School afterwards Affair emerged in 2004 but acquired backbone abnormally afterwards 2013, apprenticed by the organized bourgeois appropriate in Brazil. Despite declaring itself detached and afterwards ideology, it answer bright bourgeois values. For example, it approved to ban altercation on capacity accompanying to gender and female in schools – considered, aural the project, as accessory topics.

Along with School afterwards Party, added bourgeois amusing movements additionally acquired backbone in 2013, during the ‘June Journeys’ demonstrations. Accepted at the time, slogans such as ‘no political party’, ‘no political flag’ and the abominable ‘neither left, nor right, forward!’ masked how the protests were actuality instrumentalized by neoliberal and bourgeois movements.

By continuing to administer ‘without a party’, Bolsonaro shows an attitude of absolute abuse to Brazil’s celebrated autonomous attempt and to political rights as apparatus of citizenship

In this sense, these accepted chants answer depoliticization by villainizing the affair arrangement and politics. Political projects, such as Bolsonaro’s, began to be envisaged in 2013, fueling anti-party, anti-politics and anti-Workers’ Affair rhetoric.

Unlike School afterwards Affair and the June Journeys, Bolsonaro’s ‘without a party’ in parentheses makes no accomplishment to beard his conservatism, as he aboveboard embraces far-right rhetoric. The danger, then, lies in the villainization of the affair structure, the abnegation of the accent of political parties and, thus, of the autonomous affair system.

One of the greatest legacies of Brazilian re-democratization was the enactment of a multiparty arrangement in the federal constitution, accustomed that in times of absolute violence, affair freedom was denied. As the Brazilian Superior Electoral Court itself recognizes:

“In our actual experience, the notions of political parties and capitalism (…) are carefully linked, back the broadcasting answer by parties of assorted abstract and political doctrines absolute in the apple has fostered agitation and the chase for solutions to the assorted evils that agonize our society, benign the accumulation of accessible assessment on the capital issues in the country and the crumbling of the aborigine for the exercise of citizenship.”

Since his canicule as a congressman, Bolsonaro has aboveboard flirted with absolutism – whether through necropolitical views, his aegis of torturers, or absolute arrest in the government. However, by continuing to aphorism ‘without a party’, he embraces an attitude of absolute abuse to Brazil’s celebrated autonomous attempt and to political rights as apparatus of citizenship.

A admiral afterwards a affair reduces the role of political mobilization and fosters depoliticization and anti-politics amidst his supports, all the while adulatory the abrasion of the actual autonomous structures that brought him to power.

This commodity appeared originally in Open Capitalism –

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